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Policy congruence and distributive politics: matching voter preferences and party positions on distributive issues

机译:政策一致性和分配政治:在分配问题上匹配选民偏好和政党立场

摘要

Do parties still represent their voters’ preferences with regard to distributive policies? Three negative answers can be found in the literature: first, parts of welfare state research see distributive policies increasingly determined by exogenous constraints (globalization), rather than voter preferences. Second, recent research on party system realignment argues that party competition today is structured by cultural, rather than economic issues. Third, an even more far-reaching party organization literature questions democratic representation altogether, seeing current party politics as purely elite-based and detached from voter preferences. All three arguments are have been underlined empirically by studies showing that parties have changed their positions on economic policies as compared to the post-war past. We argue that such an approach may underestimate party-voter congruence since it does not take shifting electoral configurations and shifting policy agendas into account, as parties may advocate different policies, because they represent different voters with different interests. Hence, voters and parties may still be congruent in their positions, even though policy positions have changed. We test our arguments with regard to labor market policy in Austria, Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland and the UK between the mid-1990s and the late 2000s. We rely on a newly compiled data set on party positions in electoral campaigns and compare them to voter preferences on the basis of micro-level survey data. Our results show that there still is a reasonable amount of congruence with regard to labor market policies, especially in countries with proportional representation.\udWe also find evidence that left parties represent their voters’ labor market policy preferences more congruently than right parties. Finally and in contrast to widespread assumptions in the recent cleavage literature, we find no evidence for a trade-off between congruence on cultural and economic issues: countries with a salient cultural conflict perform no different in terms of overall economic congruence than countries without. At the same time, however, our results show that right-wing populist parties are particularly incongruent with their voters’ preferences regarding labor market policies.
机译:政党在分配政策方面是否仍代表其选民的偏好?在文献中可以找到三个否定答案:首先,部分福利国家研究发现分配政策越来越多地由外在约束(全球化)而不是选民的偏好决定。其次,有关政党制度重组的最新研究认为,当今的政党竞争是由文化而非经济问题构成的。第三,更深远的政党组织文献完全质疑民主代表制,将当前的政党政治视为纯粹基于精英,脱离了选民的偏好。研究表明,与战后过去相比,政党改变了对经济政策的立场,所有这三个论点都在经验上得到了强调。我们认为,这种方法可能低估了政党与选民的一致,因为它没有考虑到改变政党的选举方式和政策议程,因为政党可能主张不同的政策,因为它们代表了具有不同利益的不同选民。因此,即使政策立场已发生变化,选民和政党的立场也可能会一致。在1990年代中期至2000年代后期之间,我们检验了有关奥地利,德国,荷兰,瑞士和英国的劳动力市场政策的论点。我们依靠有关选举活动中党派立场的新汇编数据集,并根据微观调查数据将它们与选民偏好进行比较。我们的结果表明,在劳动力市场政策方面,尤其是在具有比例代表制的国家中,存在相当数量的一致性。\ ud我们还发现有证据表明,左翼政党比右翼政党更能一致地代表其选民的劳动力市场政策偏好。最后,与最近的分裂文学中广泛的假设形成对比,我们发现没有证据表明在文化和经济问题上的一致性之间存在折衷:具有显着文化冲突的国家在总体经济一致性方面的表现与未发生文化冲突的国家没有差异。但是,与此同时,我们的结果表明,右翼民粹主义政党与选民在劳动力市场政策方面的偏好格格不入。

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